Monday, June 23, 2014

Oromo Culture

 
Introduction People’s culture consists of implicit and explicit set of patterns in which they get things done and get their thought expressed to satisfy their biological and social needs.  Culture, as a problem solving tool, is not something genetically determined trait. It is a socially determined pattern subjected to changes, as acquired and transmitted at a specific time period.
Hence, Oromo people’s culture is one of the many patterns that has been implicitly and explicitly learned, acquired and transmitted by generations over centuries. As it has some common features with other peoples of this world, it has also its own unique features in expressing itself, in solving the problems of the owners and in adapting them to the natural environment they are living in. It expresses itself in Oromummaa and makes the bearer of this cultural values being “Oromo”. So long, ”being an Oromo” remains a socio-political group by itself, the dynamism of Oromummaa continues to perpetuate in satisfying the unique curiosity of the Oromo people.
There is no any standard scale of measurement which can be used to determine that culture, language, or religion is advanced or backward, superior or inferior to others; better or worse than this one or those ones. However, to those racially motivated individuals or group of individuals, theirs are always superior to others; theirs are always the best while those that are not theirs are the worst, backward or primitive to acknowledge.
A rational person perceives anybody’s culture as cumulative assets that give him a meaning of life in his social environment. Of course, culture changes with time and space for the better or for the worse. Old values can be replaced by new ones as people’s creativity advances on or halts down. Nevertheless, willingly abandoning one’s own workable values in favour of those unworkable alien values cannot redress progressive development except that they are invitations of imprecation for annihilation. Oromo younger generations, in particular, should have a clear understanding and a clear vision on how sustainable cultural development cannot be humanly conceived in the imported and/or imposed cultural wombs. If at all, it is believed to be conceivable, it is only in the unsustainable parts of the imported and/or imposed ones, which is oddly leaning against the fertility of the indigenous culture.   
The Oromo people have got important elements of cultural values that are peculiar to them. Since the inception of the Oromos as an ethnic group, these elements have been rendered to portray them as “being “Oromos”, differently from those who possess other cultural traits peculiar to them as well.
Oromo do have varieties of local customs, habits, views and social laws as harboured by various Oromo clans over periods of time. These local customs or values are connected to the splendid aadaa Oromoo as a whole. However, due to sociocultural oppressions, particularly since  the annexation of that culturally well furnished, legally best  legislated  Oromoland to Abyssinian feudal kings, Oromo people’s cultural lives has been polarised in many localities. In some places, it even went beyond polarisation and substituted by the absolute feudal Abyssinian cultures. Western imported and/imposed cultures have mainly been enshrouded in the aid they have been delivering to successive Ethiopian regimes, either through Church organisations or through what they call NGOs or directly handed to the regime  itself.
It is obvious that, the polarisation, invasion and/or the unrestricted importation has hindered older generations to re-socialise the new generations, by hindering them to hold on the sustainability of those valued and workable traditions. Parallel to this, also, the younger generations have not been able to be re-socialised within the original tendency of “self-preservation” for self-identification, particularly in Oromo areas where the intensity of the oppressions have been so dense to disperse.
What has been smothered or forgotten, or annihilated in one Oromo locality, however, can be found as original ones in other Oromo localities. Thus, it is incumbent upon the old-timer generations to impart what they have in their granaries to the needy-fresh generations. It should also be the national right of the younger to ask them to teach them. Conversely, it should be the national obligation of the older to re-orient the new ones. Teach-Learn, Learn-Teach for what purpose? Teach-Learn, Learn-Teach are one of the best approaches that can help advance Oromo self-promotion strategy. It enables us to focus our visions on the restoring Oromummaa for national consumptions.
The following cultural features are cited as examples, which can be predominantly so salient in certain Oromia areas but could exist in other forms in other Oromo home regions in north eastern Africa.                                                                                 

Forms of Marriage
Though, marriage as an institution is common to all cultures of the world, its function, its forms and its essence can vary from culture to culture. Even in the same culture, there are patterns of variations in arranging the marriage process, in preparing the wedding festivities, in giving dowries or, in deciding place of residence for the newly married couples, their rights and obligations as a husband and wife etc.
Traditionally, there are different forms of marriage in Oromo culture. What is very important to Oromo marriage institution is the existence of two terms for that express the two opposite sexes. Fuudhuu is for the man. That means the boy is covertly or overtly engaged to a girl, and at one time is ready to take her. Heerumuu is for the girl who is officially or unofficially acquainted or engaged to a boy; and finally taken by him as his wife. Gaa’ila is a venerated general term pertaining to marriage as an institution. It serves both sexes, fuudhaa and heeruma, as marriageable persons. It has a deep social meaning, signifying the establishment of the family and the continuity of generations in the society. 
 
Rakoo
This is an arranged form of marriage whereby the boy’s parent takes the first initiative for engagement. On behave of boy’s parent, elders go to the girl’s parent and ask them to give their daughter (her name is mentioned) to the son (his name is mentioned) of Mr Y for marriage. If the girl’s parent accepts the demand, they pay dowry to the girl’s parent. In some families, a year before the final wedding ceremony takes place; she is officially engaged to him (kaadhimamuu). On the wedding day, the boy comes to the girl’s parent accompanied by horsemen, called hamaamota. On this day, the girl and the boy officially come and sit together. They are blessed by the girl’s parent before she is officially handed to him.
Soon they arrive at the boy’s parent; they are also ceremonially received by his families and get the blessings of his grandparents, fathers, mothers and other relatives. In traditional Oromo marriage, the blessings of the elders at are quite enough. Unlike other religious groups like Christianity, which earnestly requires the involvement of priest or pastor, the involvement  of Qaalluu, as believed to be the guardian of the Laws of Waaqa, is undesirable. That of the grandparents, fathers, mothers and other relatives is quite desirable to ritualise the final marriage consummation. Such form of marriage is more stable than other forms of Oromo marriage.                                                 
Butii
In this form of marriage, the boy abducts the girl without her consent or out of her consciousness. It is socially not acceptable since it uses force and violence for the benefit of one side, the man. As some people say, the butii form of marriage has come to be rampant as the Gadaa laws have been prohibited or marginalised by those successive Ethiopian rulers’ laws. As a result, the people could not enforce legal or social sanction upon the offenders, as the offenders can easily corrupt and bribe the regimes’ magistrates. It is one of the causes for conflict creation between kin groups belonging to the man and the girl. It builds unstable family relationship and eventually ends with divorce. Waaqeffannaa does not accept nor does it approve marriage by Butii.
Hawwata
This is a marriage by self-selection without prior knowledge of the boy’s and  girl’s parents. If the two agrees, the boy can take her at one time when she is ready to do so. In most cases, the girl takes this form of marriage as a final option when her parents want to engage her to another boy whom she does not want.
The stability of this form of marriage depends on the agreement or disagreement of their parents, on both sides, either to accept or to reject the marriage that have undertaken by Ababbalii or Hawwii.
Though Waaqeffannaa accepts self-selection for marriage, it does not endorse if it is conducted out of parents’ consensus and blessings. For example, in Waaqeffannaa belief system, it is a sin to entice, to lure or to seduce a person to commit something, or to make him believe in what he is not convinced to believe in. This is what the word “ababalii” signifies.
In ababbalii marriage, the involvement of a third person, who secretly goes between the boy and girl is often ‘employed’ by the boy to convince the girl for him. If she is not convinced and finally says; “No!”, the boy may use one of the other forms of marriage, in most cases butii is used.        
Sabbatmarii or Irra dhaaba
This form of marriage is rarely practised. The root cause for emergence of sabbatmarii marriage is not yet clear. However, poverty on the part of boy’s parent to pay marriage price is cited as one of the causes.  Second, if the boy is found to be from uncertain family background or belongs to socially despised groups, or has some physical problems, his relatives are forced to use this forms of marriage, because, as people often say, nobody is willing to give his girl to such boy, nor does she willingly offer herself to him.
The distinguished feature of this form of marriage is that,  the girl and her parents do not have any prior knowledge until the boy accompanied by a group of men of different social classes arrive at the gate of the girl’s parent. Soon they arrive, at the gate, usually they call the name of the girl and solemnly appeal to her Parents in the name of Waaqa Who created marriage/Gaa’ila, to give their daughter to the boy for marriage. In case her parents turn down the boy’s request, they can curse this family which is believed to be a bad fortune for the girl. If they accept, the girl is formally given, being blessed by her parents and relatives similar to the rakoo (naqata) marriage.                               
Aseennaa 
 In the case of aseennaa form of marriage, the girl takes the lead instead of the boy. She takes this initiative if she goes beyond the standard age of marriage sets for girls, as socially agreed upon. Second, if she is not asked by anybody, either due to problems of beauty or due to her family’s social background.
When she decides, “No more stay with parents”, she leaves her parent at dusk and goes to the boy’s parent that she has already had in her mind. Imagine the time of her departure is not at dawn, or at noon, or at night. It is only at dusk, the time cattle are coming to their enclosure.
She carries with her irreeesa (greeneries), nine hiddii fruits (solanum) and other items which are conventionally known by society as symbols of fertility, prosperity and peace. She directly goes to the house of the boy’s parent and calls his name. Then, she enters the house and leaves those symbolic items under the pillar of the house. Sitting there, she waits for the response of the boy, which, according to the traditions has been concluded with positive result for her. That means, he has to accept her solemn demand, because she comes to marry him by fulfilling all what the laws for aseennaa requires.
A family established by the aseennaa marriage is usually found to be stable. If the question of divorce comes, it cannot be from her side. However, if it comes, the right to marry the second wife is reserved for him.    
In the above mentioned forms of marriage, there are many points which need more clarification and further analysis. However, the mentioned points could give hints on how and why Oromos have evolved various cultural mechanism in solving social problems, how and why they give emphasis on alleviating problems confronted by individualsas persons and how interconnected problems are agreed upon and socially resolved for common advantage.
 http://waaqeffannaa.org/english/oromo-culture/

Wednesday, June 18, 2014

| ALI BIRRA | Ali Birra's Biography | Seenaa Ali Birraa

Early life

Ali Birra was born in Dire Dawa (Ganda Kore).
His parents were separated when he was three years old, after which he was brought up by his father. He attended Arabic school as a child where he learnt Arabic language. He then enrolled in local academic school and pursued his education till the sixth grade.
In his early years, Ali used to do small on-street business so as to support himself as a means of livelihood. When he was 13, he joined Afran Qallo cultural group which was then oprerating unofficially to promote the Oromo music and culture. The first song that he sang on stage was called "Birra dha Bari'e" so that the people nicknamed him "Ali Birra," meaning "Ali the Spring". The Haile Selasie regime banned the group in 1965 and arrested some of its members. Ali escaped arrest and moved to Addis Ababa.

Life in Addis Ababa

After he settled in Addis Ababa, he was engaged in different activities along with singing. On this occasion, Ali came to know the nationalist Ahmad Taqi, and the latter bought him a guitar so that Ali could sing more widely. His fame increased dramatically throughout the city. He had ability to sing in Amharic, Arabic, Harari, and Somali languages, in addition to Oromo, his mother tongue. This had gained him appreciation from different personalities including Eyoel Yohannes, at the time the head of Kibur Zebegna, so that Eyoel recruited him as a solo singer in Oromo. He joined other famous singers such as Mahmoud Ahmed, Tilahun Gessesse and Bizunesh Bekele.
While he was within the group, he could travel to all regions of the country and show his talent to his admirers. He also traveled to the Sudan repeatedly and sang with well-known celebrities like Mohammed Wardi. When he was in Addis Ababa, he would perform in large venues such as Hager Fiker and Ras Teyater, but following a discussion with his father, he left Addis Ababa. In the early 1970s, at the breakout of the Ethiopian revolution, Ahmad Taqi was killed in eastern Ethiopia while fighting the government army. Ali Birra mourned deeply and sang metaphorically,
Yaa Hundee Bareeda
Yaa Finxee Midhaga
(Hundee was another name for Ahmad Taqi.)
Ali Birra continued his career both as a musician and a composer. He produced his first album in 1971, the first in the history of Oromo music. He then recorded successful hits such as "Hin Yaadin", "Asabalee", "Ammalelee", and "Gamachu". His albums included Sudanese songs such as "Al-Habib Ween" and Harari songs such as "Yidenqal".

Out of Ethiopia

A Swedish admirer of Ali Birra, who had been a vice-secretary at the Swedish Embassy in Addis Ababa, asked him for marriage. Ali agreed and married her in 1985, her name was Birgitta Åström born in Stockholm, Sweden (21 July 1942 – 13 September 2009).[citation needed] In 1986, Ali's wife was transferred to Saudi Arabia, and Ali accompanied her to the country. But Ali faced difficulties in Saudi Arabia, and proceeded to Sweden, where he lived for two years. In 1988, he went to the United States to attend the Los Angeles Arts Academy. He graduated in 1990, and by 1992, he had released his first two albums outside of Ethiopia amid increasing international fame. He also conducted many concerts and festivals in many countries, including the 2005 Enkutatash (Ethiopian New Year) celebration at the Addis Sheraton.
As of August 2009, Ali Birra reported that he had recently been treated for colon cancer, but planned to continue performing music, in spite of reports that his most recent album would be his last.[1]

Awards

In 1995, Ali received the Toronto African Merits Award. In 2010, Ali received an honorary doctorate from Jimma University.[citation needed]

www.youtube.com/watch?v=6geqMoeY_Ng

Islamist-led militants have attacked Iraq's biggest oil refinery with mortars and machine guns, reportedly attacking from two directions.
Smoke billowed from a spare parts warehouse on the site at Baiji, 210km (130 miles) north of Baghdad, security and refinery sources told Reuters.
Government forces have made new air strikes on militants advancing towards the capital.
Fighting is also reported in the western city of Ramadi.
The government is fighting to push back ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant) and its Sunni Muslim allies in Diyala and Salahuddin provinces, after the militants overran the second city, Mosul, last week.
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki appeared on television with Sunni Muslim and Kurdish leaders on Tuesday to issue a call for national unity in the face of the advance - they demanded that non-state forces lay down their arms.
However, such a call is unlikely to have much effect as Mr Maliki has openly sponsored the formation of Shia Muslim militias to fight alongside regular Iraqi troops, the BBC's Jim Muir reports from Irbil in northern Iraq.
 
UK Prime Minister David Cameron will hold talks with his senior security advisers on Wednesday to discuss the crisis, warning that ISIS represents a "real threat" to Britain.

Thursday, June 12, 2014

India hangings: Fourth woman dies in Uttar Pradesh

A teenager has been found hanging from a tree in a village in northern India, the fourth woman to die in such a way in recent weeks in Uttar Pradesh state.
The family of the 19-year-old say she was raped. A post mortem is under way.
It comes just one day after a woman's body was found hanging from a tree in a remote village elsewhere in the state.
The gang rape and murder of two girls found in similar circumstances last month sparked outrage. Correspondents say more cases are now being reported.
Such attacks have long taken place in Uttar Pradesh, reports the BBC's Geeta Pandey in Delhi, but recent outrage over sexual violence has meant that every case is being reported to police and getting media coverage.
Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state with more than 200 million people, is also home to a staggering number of poor and it is the poor and the disadvantaged low-caste women who are most at risk of such crimes, our correspondent adds.
The body of the latest victim was found in a village in the state's Moradabad area, just three hours' drive from India's capital, Delhi
 Protesters took to the streets of Uttar Pradesh in fury after last month's case
On Wednesday, a 44-year-old woman was found hanging from a tree in the Bahraich area.
Police said she had been threatened by locals for selling liquor in the area and her family allege she was gang raped. Her post mortem proved inconclusive.
But it was the case on 29 May of two teenage girls gang raped and hanged in Badaun district that renewed a countrywide outcry over sexual violence.

Iraqi Kurds 'fully control Kirkuk' as army flees



Iraqi Kurdish forces say they have taken full control of the northern oil city of Kirkuk as the army flees before an Islamist offensive nearby.
"The whole of Kirkuk has fallen into the hands of peshmerga," Kurdish spokesman Jabbar Yawar told Reuters. "No Iraq army remains in Kirkuk now."
Kurdish fighters are seen as a bulwark against Sunni Muslim insurgents who seized towns in the region this week.
The fall of the city of Mosul sent shock waves across the Middle East.
Kirkuk and the surrounding province of Tamim are at the heart of a political and economic dispute between Iraq's Arabs and Kurds.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-27809051

Kurdish fighters outside Kirkuk on Wednesday
• Under Saddam Hussein's programme of "Arabisation", Kurds were driven from Kirkuk and replaced with settlers from the south, and the Iraqi government continues to assert control over nearby oil fields, with the backing of the local Turkmen community
• The Kurdistan Regional Government, which administers three provinces to the north-east, is pushing for Arabisation to be reversed
• In May 2013, Kurdish fighters took up positions on the outskirts of Kirkuk after Iraqi security forces were redeployed to deal with Sunni militants elsewhere
• A census and referendum on the affiliation of the province has been repeatedly delayed by the broader political crisis in Iraqhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-27809051